A two-in-one August 20th.

A two-in-one August 20th. One, to commemorate the Soummam Congress, held in 1956 in Kabylia under French occupation, celebrated in a Kabylia still under Algerian Arab-Islamist occupation, one of the worst, along with Ottoman domination, The other, celebrated in Mila on the same day, was the National Day of the Mujahid, “the men who shaped and led the glorious November Revolution”, according to the Minister of Mujahidin and Rightsholders.
The two historic events are purposely associated in the FLN ministerial and partisan vulgate to trivialize and desecrate the Soummam Congress, largely organized by Kabylian revolutionaries and elites at Ifri Ouzellaguen in Kabylia, to initiate, in vain, the principles of a democratic, modern and social Algerian Algeria.
A Congress, intended as the founding act of the future Algerian state, turned into a rogue state, quickly emptied of its revolutionary, political and institutional substance by the band of parasites hiding on the borders led by Ben Bella and the criminal dictator Boumedienne, rendering it obsolete by inverting its political foundations, including the primacy of politics over the military.
Aborted and stillborn, the expectations of the meeting ended up in the dustbin of history, but what remains is its empty shell, in which the illusion of a founding event is maintained. With many lies contradicted by social and political reality, the junta’s historians speak of a gathering that helped organize the war of liberation, lay the foundations of a modern national liberation army – it ended up shooting the children of the Kabyles who liberated this ungrateful Algeria – or of the strength of this revolution that preserved national unity, both ethnic and territorial (sic).
Lacking political legitimacy, the commemoration of this historic political event, initiated and led from start to finish by the Kabyle revolutionary elite, remains a thorn in the side of the junta that betrayed this “revolution” and is reflecting back to it the image of its failed tricks.
Does the junta know (!?) that this betrayal of the Soummam principles, accompanied by the assassination of Kabylian maquisards and its decision to fire on both Algerians and Kabylians in 1988 – over 5,000 dead and thousands wounded – followed by the massacres of Kabylian children in 2001, has made it a pest on the international political scene ever since.
All the aura, empathy and sympathy acquired by this revolution have melted into the savagery, corruption, theft and lies of this rogue gang, shattering the country and its people.
More than sixty years after the Kabyles liberated the territory they had confiscated, the junta, its conscience tormented by its ill-gotten power, lives in the panic and paranoia of thugs.
In their eyes, Kabylia and every Kabylian is a potential political danger, apprehended as an enemy from within. Factitious national unity, a cosmetic to fool the naive.
Warned of the arrests that the junta was going to make this Sunday among the Kabyles who had come to Ifri Ouzellaguen to celebrate this event, which reminds him of his historical and political illegitimacy, the Minister of the Moujahidines, who was responsible for protocol, relinquished his prerogatives to go to Mila to commemorate the anniversary of Bentobal’s death, a symbol of this betrayed revolution, cowardly abandoning a universal historical event, sadly emptied of its political essence, thus confessing, in a hollow way, his hatred for this meeting, which reflects back to this band of brigands the image of their betrayal of the people of this territory and of the foreign friends of this revolution who damaged the country along with it.
All this for nothing.
Kabylia and the Kabyles spearheaded this war, with over 80% of the battles recorded on French military staff maps fought in Kabylia, not forgetting the Kabylian uprisings of 1857 and 1870, by Nna Fathma N’Soumer and Mokrani respectively.
The arrests made reflect the religious political expansionism instituted by the junta to deepen the Badissian Arab-Islamist ideology, in reference to Ben Badis, champion of Arabité and Islamité, supporter of a French Muslim Algeria assimilated and attached to colonial France, before being fought by Kabyles revolutionaries.
The current deluge of mosques being built across Kabylia is part of this war of cultural and religious colonization, with its fundamentalist overtones carrying the seeds of terrorism.
The junta’s instrumentalization of religious extremist Islamist terrorism in the deadly decade of the 90s, and the maintenance of systemic anti-Kabylian racism, attest, among other terrorist, legal, administrative, social and cultural practices, to the junta’s multidimensional war to dominate, forcibly assimilate and enslave Kabylia.
French colonialism has never made such an attack on the identity, culture, language and millenary history of the Kabyles, who are now more than ever threatened with extinction. The multiple daily blows to the Kabyle people, the latest of which, the arrests of dozens of Kabyles in Ifri, comes just after the arson attacks on the Kabyles forests, attest to the multifaceted genocidal will that drives this Algerian criminal junta.
In occupied Vgayet (Bougie), the borrowed commemoration, imposed by history, was celebrated by the junta’s second-knife, in the person of the FLN secretary general, the Algerian-Palestinian Baadji Abou El Fadhel.
A major dilemma for the junta.
How do you celebrate and deconstruct, in the same breath, this historic event, the bearer of the political and societal project of a modern, secular, plural, democratic and social Algeria, where politics takes precedence over the military, without rekindling the debate, still ongoing, on the antinomic societal projects dividing the populations of this Algeria, whose very name “Algeria” is disputed, between the modernists, represented by the majority of Kabyles, and the partisans of the Arab-Islamist ideology in which Algeria and its junta are already rooted and shared by a large proportion of the Algerian population, now theocratized to excess.
The Hirak movement, through which these different societal conceptions run, has stumbled on this question, an equation that is impossible to resolve, as it refers to civilizational and existential conceptions that are mutually antinomic.
In the current political turmoil of an Algeria undermined by endless clan wars, surrounded by multiple conflicts with immediate neighboring countries and wars in the Sahel where its responsibility is fully engaged, among other things, in the support it gives to terrorist Islamist movements, in an attempt to curb the independence demands of the Tuareg movements, the commemoration of the Soummam Congress, emptied of its intrinsic political essence, by Kabyles partisans of an illusory Algerian Kabylia, trying to accommodate two incompatible civilizational conceptions, came at the wrong moment to titillate the Arab-Islamist ideological orientation, commonly called Badissian.
Suffering from a multidimensional hell and backwardness, Kabylia has been in the limbo of a toxic Algeria for itself and the whole North African region since 1962, and until when?
A rational decision – and an existential one for Kabylia – is essential.
To take its destiny into its own hands.
CLKI – Free Chroniclers of Independent Kabylia